Left-wing Baptist theologian defends BLM against conservative evangelicals and says that pro-life and pro-family groups fit under Anti-Terrorism Law
By Julio Severo
In his August 18, 2020 article “Brazilian Fundamentalist
Evangelicals Aim at Black Lives Matter” in his column in the left-wing website
The Intercept, Brazilian black activist and Baptist theologian Ronilso Pacheco
talks about “persecution against BLM” (Black Lives Matter) by conservative
evangelicals, whom he accuses of “white supremacists.” And he says that “Like
their U.S. counterparts, fundamentalists in Brazil are accusing the anti-racist
movement of fighting for the end of the traditional family and burning Bibles.”
Ronilso Pacheco |
Ronilso Pacheco |
According to Alex
Newman in The New American, Cullors also revealed that she is consulting
spiritual entities and allowing them to “work through” her. “I’m calling for
spirituality to be deeply radical,” she said. “We’re not just having a social
justice movement, this is a spiritual movement.”
“What they [BLM adherents] are describing
is their adherence to the Yoruba religion of Ifa, to where they are summoning
dead spirits,” said talk-show host and Christian attorney Abraham Hamilton.
The Yoruba were known for practicing human
sacrifice in Africa until Christianity became more prevalent and abolished the
sacrifices.
According to Howard
University:
“What is significant about the Yoruba
people is that they kept their religion hidden under the guise of Catholicism,
or [traditional] Protestantism… Cuban Santeria; Haitian Vodun (voodoo); Brazilian
Candomble; Trinidad and Tobago Shango are all Yoruba or Orisha based.
All of these religions are African derived religions having different names in
different countries. They combine beliefs from the Kabbalah and Yoruba
speaking peoples of West/Central Africa, with elements of Catholicism or
Anglicanism.”
So it is not wonder that BLM is able to
disguise its African witchcraft under some Christian elements.
Yoruba, with its orishas (called demons in
Christianity), has brought untold misery, suffering, poverty and prostitution (including
homosexual) to Africa and Latin America through Santeria, voodoo and Candomble.
The religion of Yoruba,
with its Orishas, is the religion most loved by Nigerian mafias involved in sex
trafficking and slavery in Nigeria and Europe. These mafias invoke Orishas
to protect their criminal business and threaten victims. But probably BLM and
Ronilso Pacheco would not be interested in African blacks sexually enslaving
black women and girls.
Pacheco’s inflammatory language demonizing
conservative evangelicals and justifying BLM is what any Marxist would do. And
he demonizes pro-lifers too.
Based on the case of a Brazilian 10-year-old
girl raped by her uncle, Pacheco defends abortion by saying that it was “[the
girl’s] desire to terminate her pregnancy,” in a bizarre contrast in which at
the same time as leftists claimed that the girl was too young to understand
what pregnancy is, they also claim that she understood that forced abortion was
necessary, justifying capital punishment for the baby who was a rape victim,
but no capital punishment for the rapist.
In his article entitled “Pro-life
and pro-family groups are hate groups that use the Bible as an alibi,”
published on the Brazilian website UOL, Pacheco, who is a Baptist minister,
expressed concern about “the extent and mobilization of the pro-life and pro
-family movement.”
Among other far-left-wing statements, Pacheco
said:
“Pro-life and pro-family groups fit much
more into the so-called ‘Anti-Terrorism Law’ than many left-wing groups and
social movements accused of using violence and vandalism.”
“Pro-family and pro-life groups are hate
groups. They were born that way in the United States, they remain that way in
Brazil. It is not by chance that its emergence in the 1940s and 1950s and its
hardening in the 1960s and 1970s is directly linked to a conservative and white
reaction in the United States. And its roots go even further, in the slavery
period.”
Framing the pro-life movement as a
terrorist movement is an idea accepted only among the most radical extremists
on the left.
Actually, the modern pro-life movement was
born in the U.S., but Pacheco was wrong to say that this movement was born in
the 1940s. It was actually born in the late 19th century, as I demonstrate in
my article “Anthony
Comstock: the first pro-life activist in the modern history.”
By trying to link the pro-life movement to
issues of slavery, Pacheco only proves that he imported the black supremacist
agenda from the U.S., which uses any and all issues to blame whites for
everything that is bad and to portray the black supremacist movement as eternally
deserving tax money, political advantages and treats from the leftist media.
Pacheco’s ideological blindness prevents
him from seeing that black women abort their babies almost five times more than
white women. Thus, when the pro-life movement fights to save babies, black baby
lives are especially benefited. Accusing anyone who saves these babies from having
slavery connections is an insanity worthy of the extremism of black
supremacism.
With a typical far-left-wing imagination, Pacheco
argues that “abortion was known to be one of the many strategies that enslaved
black women in the United States found to stop the enslavement of their
descendants.”
For Pacheco, abortion for black women is
justified because they use it to save their future generations from white
oppression!
Going even further in his extremism, Pacheco
says: “Pro-life groups are emerging as a reaction to civil rights movements.”
He argues that a movement that saves the lives of black babies is a movement
against black rights. I’ve read a lot of madness in leftist texts, but Pacheco’s
statements, 100 percent imported from the black supremacist movement in the U.S.,
deserve the Oscar of aberrations.
Pacheco then says:
“In the 1960s and 1970s, the Civil Rights
movement, which left the traditional white family at bay, would be added by the
sexual liberation movement, the first gay parade after the Stonewall episode,
the feminist fight for women’s autonomy and the first decision in the history
of the Supreme Court in 1973 to liberalize legal abortion. It is not by chance
that the oldest pro-life and pro-family organizations appear in this period. It
is not a recovery of religious order, it is not just a preservation of
morality, it is the maintenance of a structure of violence and subjection in
which the Bible will only appear as an alibi, and not as a principle.”
It
is obvious that Pacheco is receiving training from U.S. black supremacist
movements. It is impossible to say that he is not receiving funds and other
economic incentives as an evangelist for this extremism. After all, who is
paying his bills while he is living in New York? Who is paying his bills while
he, as an immigrant in the U.S., uses his articles and Twitter to attack Trump
and praise the Democratic Party?
Pacheco raises the ideas of the black
American supremacist movement as if they had been the decisive factor for the
liberation of black slaves, when history clearly shows that white evangelicals
started this fight. If it depended on blacks, slavery would exist in the U.S.
and Brazil today. In fact, today Africa continues with its ancient tradition,
existing long before the first European stepped on African soil, of slavery. Blacks
enslaving blacks.
According to the Global
Slavery Index,
“On any given day in 2016, an estimated
9.2 million men, women, and children were living in modern slavery in Africa.
The region has the highest rate of prevalence, with 7.6 people living in modern
slavery for every 1,000 people in the region.”
That is, right in the 21st century, Africa
has the highest global rate of modern slavery. To this day, Africa does not
celebrate the end of slavery because blacks have never stopped enslaving blacks.
However, instead of moving to Africa to
help blacks who now live as slaves under black bosses, Pacheco prefers to
embrace the radicalism of U.S. black supremacism, which uses issues of over 150
years ago to profit from companies and government.
If Pacheco does not want to move to Africa
because of its endemic poverty, he can move to oil-rich Saudi Arabia where
blacks desperately need help. According to a 2020 report from the British
newspaper The Telegraph titled “Investigation:
African migrants ‘left to die’ in Saudi Arabia’s hellish Covid detention
centres,” African immigrants in Saudi Arabia are suffering unimaginable
horrors. The report said,
Saudi Arabia, one of the wealthiest
countries on earth, is keeping hundreds if not thousands of African migrants
locked in heinous conditions reminiscent of Libya’s slave camps as part of a
drive to stop the spread of Covid-19, an investigation by The Sunday
Telegraph has found.
The migrants, several displaying scars on
their backs, claim they are beaten by guards who hurl racial abuse at them.
“It’s hell in here. We are treated like animals and beaten every day,” said
Abebe, an Ethiopian who has been held at one of the centres for more than four
months. “My only crime is leaving my country in search of a better life. But
they beat us with whips and electric cords as if we were murderers.”
Oil-rich Saudi Arabia has long exploited
migrant labour from Africa and Asia. In June 2019, an estimated 6.6m foreign
workers made up about 20 per cent of the Gulf nation’s population, most
occupying low paid and often physically arduous jobs.
“We eat a tiny piece of bread in the day
and rice in the evening. There’s almost no water, and the toilets are
overflowing. It spills over to where we eat. The smell, we grow accustomed to.
But there’s over a hundred of us in a room, and the heat is killing us,” said
another young Ethiopian man.
African migrants enjoy few legal rights
and many complain of exploitation, sexual and racial abuse from employers.
African Muslims know very well that they
are mistreated in Saudi Arabia. Even so, they immigrate to this dictatorial
Islamic nation because in Africa they have lived virtually in poverty and slavery
for thousands of years.
Pacheco
and his BLM allies should be challenged to move to Saudi Arabia and help
blacks. Or at least they could travel to Saudi Arabia to do some protests.
Pacheco then concludes his far-left-wing
text against pro-life and pro-family groups by saying:
“It is not possible to demand consistency in
the messages of Jesus by fundamentalist evangelical groups in the pro-life and
pro-family movements… The best thing to do is to face the fact that a group of
racist, sexist, classist, violent and rights-denying origin it is increasingly stronger,
more aggressive, and they will use from the Bible to Constitutional Law to
maintain their ideal society project.”
It is a shame for the Baptist Church to
keep Pacheco as a minister as his real occupation is U.S. black supremacist
activism.
According to the far-left-wing
website Intercept, where Pacheco is a columnist, he is:
“Theologian formed by the Pontifical
Catholic University in Rio, activist, assistant minister in the Baptist Church
in São Gonçalo, author of ‘Occupy, Resist, Subvert’ (2016) and ‘Black Theology:
The Anti-Racist-Breath of the Spirit’ (2019); studying theology at Union
Theological Seminary (Columbia University) in NY.”
The Union Theological Seminary is one of
the oldest and left-wing theological institutions in the United States.
According to The
Christian Post:
“A New York Times interview with the
theologian Serene Jones, the current president of Union Theological Seminary,
is getting some attention given that Jones enthusiastically tosses multiple
cherished doctrines of Christian orthodoxy. Virgin birth? ‘Bizarre,’ she says.
God as omnipotent and omniscient? ‘A fabrication of Roman juridical theory and
Greek mythology.’ The resurrection of Jesus? Pfft! ‘For me, the message of
Easter is that love is stronger than life or death. That’s a much more awesome
claim than that they put Jesus in the tomb and three days later he wasn’t
there.’”
The president of the Union Theological
Seminary believes that Jesus was not born of a virgin and still finds this idea
“bizarre.” She believes that God’s omnipotence and omniscience are fabrications.
And she doesn’t believe in Jesus’ resurrection.
So Pacheco is graduating from a radically
left-wing theological institution, importing all this extremism into Brazil, and
he wants to convince the Brazilian evangelical public that his import is good,
but that the import of the U.S. pro-life movement is bad.
The rise of Pacheco as a prominent
left-wing evangelical, who is now a Brazilian immigrant in the U.S., was a
problem created by the U.S. In 2017, to cover the fantastic phenomenon that “Evangelical
Christians are the fastest-growing political movement in Brazil,” the National
Public Radio, owned by the U.S. government, produced the report “Brazilian
Street Preacher Spreads Progressive Message,” totally dedicated to Ronilso
Pacheco, whom NPR described as “A preacher in Rio de Janeiro [who] is
attracting crowds through a combination of evangelical traditions and
liberation theology.”
NPR also said, “Pacheco, a Brazilian Baptist,
is part of a growing group of progressive evangelicals who go against the
current of conservative evangelical megachurches,” adding, “He finds
inspiration from the 1960s in Brazil when progressive Protestants mixed with
Catholic liberation theologists to become major players in leftist organizing.”
Liberation theology preached by Pacheco
has nothing to do with the evangelical growth in Brazil. This massive
evangelical growth is conservative, not liberal. So NPR should spotlight
conservative evangelicals. But NPR decided to spotlight a radical left-wing
evangelical against such movement.
It is not the first time the U.S.
government grants prominence to left-wing blacks who are against conservative
evangelicals. In 2019, the
Trump administration awarded a Brazilian left-wing black sorcerer with a
history of fight against conservative evangelicals.
A 29 July 2020 report titled “Brazil: How
progressive theologians hope to re-establish dialogue with the Christian right”
in the Sight magazine mentioned several left-wing Catholics and Protestants.
Among Protestants, it mentioned Ariovaldo Ramos, former director of World
Vision Brazil, and Ronilso Pacheco, described by Sight as the author of “a book
about black Liberation Theology in Brazil.”
Sight should be renamed Blindness, because
it was unable to see the Marxist dangers of Liberation Theology. Sight said,
“The [Liberation Theology] movement also
suffered with the offensive of the neo-Pentecostal churches that began to grow
in poor, working-class neighbourhoods all over Brazil in the 1980s. Since then,
Liberation Theology declined as a social phenomenon…”
It is a real conclusion. Fernando
Haddad, a socialist candidate defeated by right-wing Jair Bolsonaro in the 2018
Brazilian presidential election, attributed his defeat to the neo-Pentecostals (neo-charismatics)
and their Prosperity Gospel.
Quoting Ariovaldo Ramos, Sight complained:
“Most of the flourishing Brazilian
neo-Pentecostalists gradually allied with far right-wing ideas, reacting with
particular criticism to moral changes in society and in Christianism, explains
pastor Ramos.”
Interestingly, many Brazilian conservative
mega-churches are led by black charismatic ministers. But Pacheco and Ramos
condemn them just because they do not follow Liberation Theology. Pacheco is
working to lead black evangelicals in Brazil to his Liberation Theology.
Pacheco has been propagandized by many
other left-wing publications. The Immanent Frame said,
“A significant bloc of evangelicals
diverges from the fundamentalist Pentecostalism described above. [Left-wing] Benedita
da Silva, Brazil’s first Black woman deputy, senator, and Rio state governor,
has for decades invoked her evangelical [Presbyterian] faith and collaboration
with liberationist Catholics in her social struggles and political career. She
even drew the attention of Jesse Jackson, who wrote the English-edition preface
to her biography. [Left-wing] Baptist pastors such as Jardim Gramacho, RJ’s
Waldimir de Souza, São Gonçalo’s Ronilso Pacheco, and Niteroi’s Henrique Viera
continue efforts to ‘marry’ evangelical faith and social awareness [Liberation
Theology], a regional effort among prominent socially minded Latin American
evangelicals since the 1974 First International Congress on World
Evangelization (ICOWE) in Lausanne, Switzerland. Evangelical pastors help to
rebuild terreiros [temples of voodoo] that militias burnt down. Black Baptist
pastors also lead the field of anti-racist education. Babalawo [sorcerer],
racial justice [black Liberation Theology] advocate, and educator Ivanir dos
Santos even won a 2019 religious liberty award from Trump’s State
Department—ostensibly Bolsonaro’s geopolitical ally.”
Even a left-wing publication found a
perplexing case that the
Trump administration awarding a left-wing sorcerer.
The fact that left-wingers use Lausanne as
base for their left-wing activism is explained by my article: “Karl
Marx’s Spirit in Lausanne: Theology of Integral Mission.”
Ronilso Pacheco’s “Black Theology” is black,
but not from skin-colored. It is sheer black Liberation Theology. It is black
from the dense leftist darkness of a white European man named Karl Marx, who
fills with hatred and revolts all the hearts idolizing him. Pacheco has become
one of those idolaters.
If instead of spending money and staying
at the liberal Union Theological Seminary in NY, Pacheco had gone to Africa as
a missionary to free slaves, the investment would have been much more useful.
But unlike Brazil and the U.S., where extremists use the theme of slavery to get
money and funds without suffering violence, in Africa they would be beaten or
lynched by black bosses who refuse to free their black slaves.
While Pacheco is busy importing extremism
from the American left into Brazil, we in the pro-life movement will continue
to be busy saving the lives of babies — including black babies, who are among
the biggest victims of legal abortion.
And we conservative evangelicals will keep
proclaiming the Gospel, healing the sick and casting out demons, including from
pseudo-Christians who mix ideas of Christianity with Marxism, orishas and other
demons.
Portuguese
version of this article: Teólogo batista esquerdista defende BLM contra
evangélicos conservadores e diz que grupos pró-vida e pró-família se enquadram
na Lei Antiterrorismo
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